During a season of giving, what happens when someone refuses to give?
Indeed,
at a time when people may be more tuned in than ever to the need to behave
selflessly, there seems now to be a perception that selfishness is on the rise.
A December 2020 Boston Globe/Suffolk University poll revealed that
27% of the 500 respondents sampled agreed with the statement that people in
Massachusetts are "mostly selfish and looking out for their best
interests," an increase from the 18% reported in May 2020.
Selfishness
can appear in many forms in everyday life, but whatever the behavior, selfish
people fundamentally believe they are entitled to more than are other people.
There is no “fair share” with them, because the idea of sharing is foreign to
their very nature. However, is there a way to get even the greediest of people
to act on behalf of others?
According
to Bence Bago and colleagues (2020) of the University of Toulouse
Capitole, it may be theoretically possible to do so through a
"deliberative correction" mechanism, in which you present them with a
chance to redeem themselves by giving them a chance to think before they act.
Add to this some incentive for behaving in a more selfless, prosocial manner,
and perhaps they will turn off the selfishness switch and engage the on-button
to become more giving.
In a
cleverly-designed experiment, the French researchers put their participants
into simulated games intended to shape their decisions to act in selfish vs.
prosocial ways. In these simulated games, a participant must make a decision on
how to divide experimental “money” with an anonymous but simulated
participant.
In one
version of the game ("Dictator") the participant is the one to make
the decision. In the second version ("Ultimatum"), the offer is made
to the participant by the simulated other. The incentive to offer or accept an
unequal division of money comes from the condition set up by the experimenter
that refusal to cooperate could result in no one getting the money at all. Your
job, as participant, is to balance your own interest (getting as much money as
you can) against the option of being left completely
empty-handed. Variations of this basic game design involved having
participants make decisions that would benefit or harm the “public good,” in
that some decisions would lead to money being donated to a common pool rather
than to one or the other participant.
To put
this experimental situation into more everyday terms, consider the decisions
you make when someone offers you 10 cookies and suggests you share them with a
friend. The only condition placed on this offer is that if you offer too few
cookies, no one gets any. You've got to figure out how many is
"equitable" beyond a simple 50-50 split.
To force
participants into making quick, intuitive, decisions, the experimenters set up
the game so players made their decisions in the condition of high
cognitive load (having to complete a challenging mental task). In the
deliberative correction condition, there was no such pressure and participants
could make a less hurried decision.
Participants
in the set of seven studies following this basic outline were either
undergraduate students at a Hungarian university or online test-takers from
English-speaking countries. Their reading ability was tested as well to make
sure that they could understand the instructions for their specific variant of
the game they were playing.
With all
of these experimental controls in place, the research team could then address
the question of how to curb people's innately selfish or selfless tendencies.
Unfortunately, no amount of experimental enticement to act selflessly actually
changed the decisions that the innately selfish made while playing the
game. Having more time to decide on whether to benefit themselves, the
other participant, or the “greater good” made no difference in the way
participants dispersed the experimental rewards. They behaved the same way,
whether having cognitive load or not.
In
describing this finding, Bago et al. note that rather than making corrections
after having more time, “it is far more likely that one’s final selfish or
prosocial choice was already selected in the initial response stage” (p. 5)…
making the deliberative correction model one that “does not present a viable
psychological model of prosocial behavior” (p. 12).
The sad
conclusion from the French-Hungarian study is that people will make their choices,
whether selfishly or altruistically, on the basis of their innate, first
reactions. As Bago and his collaborators suggest, policymakers trying to
bring out the best motives of the public will be better off trying to influence
those initial, intuitive decisions that people tend to make rather than bend
their decisions after the fact. It is difficult to move them from this
initial reaction. Your selfish relatives, then, will most likely not be “guilt-tripped” or otherwise moved by what you do or say from acting
in their own best interests.
However,
another way to look at the findings is to consider the percentage splits of
choices that the participants made across the conditions of the study. More
people made selfish choices (about 46%) than prosocial choices (38%), but the
odds of choosing the prosocial option were highest (about 54%) when the choice
they had to make involved receiving rather than giving rewards (the
"Ultimatum" condition).
Armed
with this data, consider what you might do to encourage people to behave less
selfishly if their impulse is to take more than give. The Bago et al. results
would suggest that you offer a choice rather than waiting for them to make an
offer. Ask those selfish relatives if they’d like to split a gift for a holiday
occasion, and when dishwashing time comes up, present them with the “wash” or
“dry” options.
To sum up, the
best way to handle the selfish people in your life may not be to expect
them to change on their own, but to give them an opportunity to behave less
selfishly. Overcoming someone’s innate selfishness may be an ambitious
enterprise, but under the right circumstances could help steer them to make
more prosocial, and potentially fulfilling, choices.
Source: https://bit.ly/34GG0Ld
About the author
Susan
Krauss Whitbourne, Ph.D., is a Professor Emerita of
Psychological and Brain Sciences at the University of Massachusetts Amherst.
Her latest book is The Search for Fulfillment.

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